Footnotes Introduction By over 16, individual men, women and children were housed in one of the eighty workhouses in metropolitan London; between 1 per cent and 2 per cent of the population of London. Workhouses, institutions in which the poor were housed, fed and set to work, had by this time become the most common form of relief available to Londoners. Introductory Reading The Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries At regular intervals through the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and especially following the establishment of the Royal Hospitals and in particular Bridewell Hospital and Prison inLondoners attempted to create city-wide employment schemes or residential workhouses as a solution to the problem of poverty and economic dislocation.
Those five are the duties of universal obligation.
Knowledge, magnanimity, and energy, these three, are the virtues universally binding. And the means by which they carry the duties into practice is singleness. Some are born with the knowledge of those duties; some know them by study; and some acquire the knowledge after a painful feeling of their ignorance.
But the knowledge being possessed, it comes to the same thing. Some practice them with a natural ease; some from a desire for their advantages; and some by strenuous effort. But the achievement being made, it comes to the same thing.
Confucius If a Western person is not aware of the very different relational presumptions built into Confucian ideas of reciprocal duty, he or she is likely to presume that the independent pursuit of needs and wants is central to involvement in such relationships. Robert Westwood does this when he sums up the Confucian position from a Western perspective.
The wu lun are dyadic sets of unequal, mostly hierarchical relationships between emperor - minister, father - son, husband - wife, older brother - younger brother, friend - friend.
Although the power structure is differentiated and unequal except for the lattermutual obligations and reciprocities are inherent in the relationships.
The person in the dominant position expects and receives obedience, deference and compliance, but in return should respect the dignity of the lower party and provide appropriate care and concern. This view of an interdependent self is in sharp contrast to the Western view of an independent self.
The latter sees each human being as an independent, self-contained, autonomous entity who a comprises a unique configuration of internal attributes e. This divergent view of self has implications for a variety of basic psychological processes e. It is very easy for a researcher or commentator to apply his or her own understandings of the nature of relationships to those observed in other communities.
Westwood does this when he assumes that hierarchical relationships must involve dominance and subservience, relative power and powerlessness.
They see relationships of dependence in terms of costs and benefits and degrees of loss of independence The independent self is quintessentially Western.
The interdependent self, in one guise or another, is found in communities where individuals know who they are through the forms of relationship they recognize between themselves and other members of the community.
In such communities the rights and obligations of individuals in exchange relationships remain with the interactants rather than being attached to the objects of exchange.
So, the other party in an exchange is the focus, rather than the needs and wants of the interactants. In one case, the process of exchange or interaction tends to emphasize the separate identities and, therefore, motivations of the exchangers leading to a stress on independence.
In the other, it tends to emphasize their relatedness and reciprocal responsibilities stressing interdependence. The qualities of the relationships invoked in exchange in the two orientations are very different.
Not only are perceived relationships specific to communities, so too are the perceived qualities that inhere in relationships. How similar their understandings are will largely depend on the nature of the historical connections that have existed between their communities and the degree to which the hegemonies 11 of their communities have interacted over time Throughout their lives, people in communities are constantly corrected and disciplined whenever their interactions or their understandings do not conform to those considered accurate in their community.
In order to understand the ways in which communities build their categorizational models and then from them construct models of community organization and individual interaction, we are going to address two related sets of structures.
Primary ideology The first set of structures is the set of categorizational models that all members of a community or set of related communities hold in common. We are going to call these fundamental organizational models primary ideology.
The criteria that produce both the categorizational framework and its internal categories and relations are primary ideological presumptions. These are the most basic understandings people have of their worlds, in terms of which categorization proceeds.
Any attempt to alter these understandings attacks the ability of people who hold them to think, and therefore to interact meaningfully with their environments.
Most people, when asked to explain their understanding of primary ideological presumptions, find it very difficult just as they find it difficult to explain why they place words in a particular order in their sentences or why certain words should always, never or only in certain contexts appear together.
One of the features of the presumptions is that they are taken for granted. This makes it very difficult to research primary presumptions since people, anywhere, will consider questions related to the definition of the assumptions to be inane.
One should not question the obvious, particularly when the people being questioned find it difficult to express their understandings or even focus on the issues being raised. It needs to be remembered, however, that primary ideological presumptions are not universally held understandings of the world.
They are the understandings that are required by the most basic categorizational models of the community. So, not only should they not be questioned, they cannot easily be altered.
Changes in such assumptions occur over hundreds of years and produce strains and tensions in communities experiencing the changes John Locke Essay On The Poor Law – John Locke of Poor Reform and Workhouses Essay – WordsJohn Locke Essay John Locke was born on August 29, , in Warington, a village in Somerset, England.
In he went to Westminster school, and in to Christ Church in Oxford. Liberalism, the belief in freedom and human rights, is historically associated with thinkers such as John Locke and grupobittia.com is a political movement which spans the better part of the last four centuries, though the use of the word "liberalism" to refer to a specific political doctrine did not .
john locke JUSTIFYING REBELLION:John locke and the right to revolution John Locke was born in and died in Locke is among the most in fluential polictical philosophers of the modern period. John Locke argued that the people have rights like the right to life,liberty and property.
An exploration of the nature and history of capitalism. Global capitalism, colonies and Third-World economic realities. During these same years the Board of Trade, under John Locke's leadership, spent much effort enquiring into the workings of the poor laws, and attempting, but largely failing, to generate a consistent reform agenda that had setting the poor to work at its core.
Locke’s main proposal for poor reform centers around workhouses and his beliefs that for the “effectual restraining of idle vagabonds” the poor should be put to work. Vagrants could be forced into service in the army/navy, hard labor, severe punishment, and working on plantations .